Statistic research of ages of sex offenders

Contents

  1. Statistics & Research
  2. AIFS Secondary links
  3. Correctional Service of Canada - FORUM on Corrections Research
  4. Police-reported sexual offences against children and youth in Canada, 2012

Prosecutors in Archbold, Ohio, brought charges that could have resulted in mandatory registration for high-school students caught exchanging nude "selfies. Certainly, some juveniles may commit heinous and violent sex crimes for which registration is appropriate. Where that is the case, all states but New Mexico allow people under the age of juvenile jurisdiction to be tried as adults for at least some sex offenses.

But the presence of non-violent and non-threatening juveniles on sex-offender registries contributes to registry "clutter" that makes it difficult for police and social workers to monitor the truly dangerous sex offenders. Phillip Garrido, who kidnapped and held Jaycee Dugard in his backyard for 18 years and abused her repeatedly, is a good example of someone who slipped through the cracks. He was on a sex-offender registry for prior incidents of molestation and kidnapping.

His home was visited by parole officers and social workers numerous times. But, overtaxed by the need to monitor California's more than 83, registered sex offenders, officials never performed the thorough search of his house that would have located Dugard.

Statistics & Research

Instead, it took sharp-eyed officials at the University of California, Berkeley, to bring about her eventual rescue. In a time of stretched budgets, effectively monitoring truly dangerous sex offenders is going to require pruning the registries. People looking at the system of registration are thus left with a paradox: It seems to do some good, but many of its features also do a great deal of harm.

Ending the registries would be both unwise and hugely unpopular, but responsible policymakers should focus on some sensible ways they could be improved. Making the registries more effective should start with reducing the number of offenders listed. Removing those who do not pose any particular public danger would both remedy the injustices done to them and improve public officials' ability to monitor those who remain. Two groups in particular deserve speedy release from the registries: those convicted of minor, sometimes non-sexual offenses and those whose convictions were handed down by juvenile courts.

Adults convicted of offenses like indecent exposure, public urination, prostitution or soliciting prostitution, kidnapping their own children as part of a custody dispute, and consensual incest with other adults all deserve various forms of social censor or punishment or both. But there's no evidence they pose public dangers beyond those associated with these relatively minor criminal offenses.


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None of these behaviors have been linked to child molestation or violent sexual assaults anywhere in the academic literature. Requiring such offenders to remain on registries wastes public resources, ruins lives, and does nothing to improve public safety. For many of the same reasons, people convicted in juvenile court should, as a class, be removed from registries; their continued presence is perverse and undermines the purpose of the juvenile justice system.

Juveniles who act out sexually get branded as "pedophiles" under laws that consider victims' ages but not those of offenders. A year-old boy who has consensual sex with a year-old girl might need counseling or punishment from his parents, but he certainly isn't a pedophile. Two teenagers who swap naked "selfies" may deserve to lose their smartphones, but they certainly aren't "child pornographers. None of these collateral consequences does any good for society, for the offenders, or for their victims. Moreover, the long-lasting, sometimes lifelong, nature of sex-offender registration runs counter to the purpose of the juvenile justice system.

Juvenile courts are intended primarily as therapeutic and rehabilitative mechanisms. They have looser rules of evidence than adult courts; they maintain far fewer public records; and, at least in theory, they hand out sanctions based on the "best interest" of the accused, rather than a desire to punish. Only a few states allow jury trials in juvenile court, and even then they are quite rare. Most states allow juvenile records to be sealed; the process is sometimes even automatic.

Even people with unsealed records typically retain the rights to vote, receive government benefits, and live where they choose. If prosecutors or police believe that a juvenile is so dangerous that he merits long-term registration, they ought to avail themselves of procedures to try him in an adult court. Any other standard undermines the very idea of maintaining a distinct system for younger offenders. Estimating precisely how many offenders would be removed from registries as a result of this change in policy is difficult.

Registries rarely report the age at which their registrants were convicted. What data do exist suggest that those convicted as juveniles make up as much as a third of registered offenders in the 40 states that have some form of juvenile registration. By any count, however, the majority of people on the sex-offender registries are adults who committed reasonably serious crimes. They are more likely than members of the population as a whole to commit such acts again, even though most of them will not.

Of course, the same can be said of almost anybody with any sort of criminal record. As with other people who commit crimes, it's unfair and unjust to brand all sex offenders as social pariahs for the rest of their lives, particularly since they have lower recidivism rates than other types of felons. Far-reaching residency bans, although politically popular, simply do not pass the most basic cost-benefit test. Every dataset makes clear that children are far more likely to be sexually abused by family members than by strangers who happen to live near their school or daycare center.

Judges, police, and probation officers can and should still be able to require many classes of sex offenders to stay off of school grounds during school hours and avoid other areas where children congregate something modern GPS-monitoring can assure cheaply and easily , but blanket residency restrictions simply do not serve any valid public-safety purpose.

Forcing convicted sex offenders to the margins of society also tends to remove them from the orbit of family, friends, and houses of worship, making it more likely that they will turn to crime again. For instance, it's difficult to see why sex offenders should be automatically denied commercial driver's licenses or barred from working as insurance agents. Aside from obvious restrictions on working with children and perhaps carrying out certain medical tasks, most restrictions on sex offenders should be tailored to fit individual circumstances and levels of dangerousness. Restrictions on professional licensing should be set to fit the specific sex offense, rather than applied to every person convicted of any sexually oriented crime.

Moreover, the lack of any evidence that public notification reduces crime, coupled with its negative effects on property values, counsels in favor of restricting the practice. Notification helps attach an unnecessary stigma even to those convicted of only minor sex offenses. A person who sexually gropes a stranger once has done something wrong and perhaps traumatizing, but he does not pose the same public danger as a murderer, who is not required to notify his neighbors of his prior conviction.

Yet, because of registries, he faces a greater public stigma than a murderer. Eliminating public notification completely would face huge political hurdles and, given the ease with which information already on the internet can be preserved, is probably impossible anyway. The most practical change might be limiting mandatory community notification and internet recording to actual predators over the age of 21 who have sexually assaulted young children.

Even in these cases, the value of notification likely comes more from the fact that the public wants it than from any demonstrable benefit it actually provides. On the other hand, efforts to keep sex offenders out of schools ought to be enhanced and improved. Finding the resources to do this would be reasonably easy if much of the excess currently cluttering sex-offender registries were removed. In this context, a new, bipartisan proposal by Senators Joe Manchin and Pat Toomey deserves serious consideration. The bill would set federal standards to prevent child predators from working in schools and would penalize states where districts try to "pass the trash," or counsel sex offenders to resign quietly before they are sent along to other schools with positive letters of reference.

For serious offenders, who constitute the majority of those currently on sex-offender registries, the practice of registration offers a deterrent value that appears effective at reducing sexual assault and child sex-abuse rates. Three careful and deliberate policy changes could help law enforcement deal more effectively with these truly bad actors: increased mandatory outpatient treatment; increased use of indefinite civil commitment for the worst offenders; and more targeted focus of federal resources on serious, mostly internet-based child predators and other serious sex offenders, rather than the child pornographers who currently make up the lions' share of the federal case load.

Insofar as sexual attraction to children is an essentially fixed sexual orientation, it may be impossible to truly "cure" it.

AIFS Secondary links

Comprehensive literature reviews led by a team from the University of Illinois at Chicago have mixed findings: While the best-run treatments do reduce actual recidivism among sex offenders, the reduction is only by about one-third, and even then it's far from clear that pedophiles are made to let go of their sexual attraction to children altogether. Interestingly, after adjustment for a variety of variables, outpatient treatment outside of secure facilities appears to work even better than forcing treatment behind bars.

In fact, a number of studies show that treatment for sex offenders behind prison walls is counterproductive. This suggests it may be better to focus prison sentences for child molesters almost entirely on deterrence and punishment, while augmenting treatment efforts outside the jailhouse walls. They have worked to encourage many drug addicts to break their habits, and they may help pedophiles in the same way.

Many offenders who are removed from registries or kept on law-enforcement-only registries might continue to be subject to long-term GPS monitoring to keep them away from schools and other areas where they might pose a threat. Some sex offenders may be resistant to all treatment and unable to control their urges to molest children.

All states allow for civil commitment of the dangerous mentally ill in hospital-like settings when the individual is deemed to pose a risk to himself or others. Currently, 20 states and the District of Columbia have statutes that provide for an additional level of review following the release of certain sex offenders. A small number of offenders at very high risk of offending again can, under these regimes, be detained indefinitely in hospital-like settings.

Such treatment, of course, is advisable only as an absolute last resort. But just as it's possible to detain a mental patient who experiences a drive to kill or maim others, it should also be possible to detain someone in situations where expert testimony convinces a court that they will commit sexual violence if released. A mandatory review process for certain grave sex offenses may be desirable.

In exceptional cases, civil commitment of a tiny number of particularly dangerous juvenile sex offenders who might otherwise be released with no public record might be justified as well. Indefinite civil commitment is a very powerful tool to put in the hands of the state, and, certainly, it carries a risk of being overused. But it should not be ruled out in all cases for sex offenders, and its use likely deserves expansion. The most difficult cases to deal with involve individuals found guilty of possessing child pornography.

It goes without saying that any use of sexual materials involving children deeply offends social norms, and its mere possession ought to be subject to significant criminal sanction. Despite efforts of many left-leaning researchers to minimize the problem, furthermore, it is a truly serious one that has grown with the internet. Child-pornography laws were written largely with the idea of prosecuting those who distributed magazines, print photographs, videotapes, and celluloid film strips depicting minors in sexual situations.

Today, nearly all child pornography gets shared on peer-to-peer networks that make all consumers "distributors" simply by virtue of participation. The average sentence for child pornography is now nearly eight years, longer than the average sentence for rape, which is just over five years. Whatever harm looking at a picture of a child in a sexual situation causes and it's significant , it is probably not greater than the harm resulting from actual sexual assault.

Rather than try to effect a change in federal law or prescribe punishments federally, it would be better to focus federal resources on the greatest dangers. These include human-trafficking rings and actual predators who lure children across state lines. Meanwhile, states should be encouraged to take on a greater share of the child-porn caseload and decide punishments based on local attitudes and beliefs. In any case, mere possession of child pornography should remain a reasonably serious crime, albeit one that is dealt with, for the most part, on the local level.

The practice of requiring sex offenders to register with law-enforcement officials is effective and has contributed to a sizable drop in sex offenses committed against children in the United States. Notifying the public of sex offenders, on the other hand, is ineffective and should be limited if not eliminated. The registries that exist, furthermore, do tremendous harm to some people who, although clearly guilty of various wrongs, do not pose a significant threat to children or anyone else in society.

The nation needs to reconsider its headlong rush into ever-expanding sex-offender registration and target the registries more carefully at the most genuinely dangerous individuals. Certain petty restrictions should be dropped and many individuals should be deleted from the registries in order to minimize unnecessary damage to individuals and communities and to allow law enforcement to focus on the most dangerous offenders.

In certain cases, serious punishments, including indefinite civil commitment for certain offenders, also ought to be expanded. Efforts to keep sex offenders out of schools also deserve expansion. While she still supports the idea of the registries, Wetterling thinks they have gone too far and should drop juveniles and many other categories of offenders. Forgot password? Rethinking Sex-Offender Registries. Eli Lehrer is the president of the R Street Institute. Previous Article. Who Needs the FCC? Brent Skorup.

Those in the younger age groups were more likely to be victims of sexual assault than those in the older age groups Appendix Table The prevalence of sexual assault decreased as age increased, and this was true for both men and women Figure 6. Those aged 16 to 19 and aged 20 to 24 were significantly more likely to be victims of sexual assault in the last 12 months than any other age group.

This was true for indecent exposure or unwanted touching, but there was no significant difference between those aged 20 to 24 and those aged 25 to 34 for rape or assault by penetration including attempts. The CSEW does not ask those under aged 16 about their experience of sexual offences, but has previously asked adults aged 16 to 59 to recall retrospectively their experience of sexual assault before the age of 16 see Abuse during childhood: Findings from the Crime Survey for England and Wales, year ending March for more information.

Information from the Home Office Data Hub can provide some insight into victimisation of those under 16, however, this will only include those cases known to the police and thus understate the volume of such criminality. Information from the Home Office Data Hub shows that females aged 10 to 24 were disproportionately more likely to be victims of sexual offences recorded by the police, particularly those aged 10 to 14 and 15 to Males aged 5 to 19 were also disproportionately more likely to be victims of sexual offences Figure 8.

Figure 7: Distribution of female population and female victims of police recorded sexual offences, by age, Home Office Data Hub 28 forces , year ending March Source: Home Office Data Hub Notes: Police recorded crime data are not designated as National Statistics. Police recorded crime data based on 28 forces that provided data via the Home Office Data Hub.

Population figures are based on the Office for National Statistics population estimate for England and Wales.

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Download this image. Single women were more likely to have been victims of sexual assault 6.


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Single men were more likely to experience sexual assault 1. Women with a long-term illness or disability were more likely to be victims of sexual assault in the last 12 months than those without a long-term illness or disability 5. There was no significant difference among men 1. Students 6. Women living in a household with no children 3. The same was true for men, with men living in a household with no children 1. The survey module on domestic abuse, sexual assault and stalking 1 asks whether or not respondents have experienced sexual assault by anyone, and if they have they are then asked if they have experienced sexual assault by a partner or ex-partner, or a family member.

These questions refer to all experiences of sexual assault since the age of 16, rather than just the most recent.

Correctional Service of Canada - FORUM on Corrections Research

This means that respondents may report abuse from multiple categories of partner or ex-partner, family member or anyone else. While it is possible to tell if a respondent has experienced sexual assault from a partner or ex-partner and a family member from these questions, it is not possible to tell whether or not they have also experienced sexual assault by another offender, such as a stranger. For this reason, the following results Appendix Table 12 are as a percentage of all respondents who have experienced that type of sexual assault. Although the Crime Survey for England and Wales CSEW is a large sample survey, there are a relatively small number of victims of sexual assault when separated by victim-offender relationship in any one year.

Consequently, analysis on victim-offender relationship has been completed on a dataset combining the three survey years ending March to March The analysis shows:. The CSEW module on the nature of sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts asks about the relationship of the perpetrator to the respondent. The relationship refers to the most recent experience of sexual assault since the age of 16 only.

Where respondents have experienced sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts more than once, it is not possible to establish the victim-offender relationship for all of these experiences. This information is not available for men as the number of victims of rape or assault by penetration including attempts measured by the survey was too small to provide robust results. Figure Victim-offender relationship for rape or assault by penetration including attempts experienced since age 16 by women aged 16 to 59 Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales Source: Crime Survey for England and Wales, Office for National Statistics Notes: If the victim had experienced more than one sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts , the question was asked of the most recent incident.

Percentages may sum to more than , as multiple perpetrators could be identified. This may be because rapes within a relationship are less likely to be reported to the police than rapes committed by strangers. Figure Police recorded rape and other sexual offences, by sex of victim and relationship of victim to suspect, police recorded crime 35 forces , year ending March Source: Police recorded crime, Home Office Notes: Police recorded crime data are not designated as National Statistics.

Police recorded crime data based on 35 forces that provided data via the Home Office Data Hub or in a manual return. Based on 10 forces who provided detailed relationship data via the Data Hub at a disaggregated level. The self-completion module on the nature of sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts asked in the year ending March Crime Survey for England and Wales CSEW provides more detail on the circumstances of these types of sexual assaults experienced by respondents since the age of For those who had experienced more than one incident, only the most recent incident was asked about as long as the respondent was at least 16 when the incident occurred.

All the results in this section include attempted rape or assault by penetration. The results for all adults presented in this section are dominated by the responses of female victims as the number of men interviewed who had experienced rape or assault by penetration including attempts was small. Respondents who reported they had been victims of rape or assault by penetration since they were 16 were asked whether they thought the offender or offenders was under the influence of alcohol or drugs and whether they were under the influence of alcohol or drugs themselves at the time of the incident 1.

Figure Influence of alcohol and drugs in rape or assault by penetration including attempts experienced since age 16 by adults aged 16 to 59, by victim-offender relationship Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales Source: Crime Survey for England and Wales, Office for National Statistics Notes: If the victim had experienced more than one sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts , question was asked of the most recent incident. Figures are not published for CSEW estimates based on less than 50 respondents and so the 'family member' victim-offender relationship is not presented here.

It was not mandatory for forces to populate this field in the year ending March , but a standard definition for usage was introduced in April The analysis for alcohol-related sexual offences is based on 31 forces providing data using the alcohol-related aggravating factor flag in the Data Hub.

The analysis may not be representative of all forces in England and Wales and data have not been reconciled with forces and are therefore subject to revision.

Police-reported sexual offences against children and youth in Canada, 2012

The Home Office continues to work with police forces to ensure the consistency and comparability of the victim information they supply to the Home Office. This is the same proportion as in the year ending March 2 , however, the two years are not directly comparable as a different set of police forces were used in the analysis each year. Sexual offences most likely to be flagged as alcohol-related are shown in Figure 13 3.

Police recorded crime data based on 31 forces that provided data via the Home Office Data Hub. Selected sexual offences were those offences with the highest proportion of the alcohol-related flag. Recording an alcohol-related factor for crimes was optional for forces in this year but a standard definition for usage was introduced in April Those who had experienced rape or assault by penetration including attempts since the age of 16 were asked who they had personally told.

Figure Reasons why victims aged 16 to 59 of rape or assault by penetration including attempts experienced since age 16 did not tell the police Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales Source: Crime Survey for England and Wales, Office for National Statistics Notes: If the victim had experienced more than one sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts , question was asked of the most recent incident.

This question was asked of those who had told someone, but had not told the police. Percentages may sum to more than , as more than one option could be selected. Victims of rape or assault by penetration including attempts were more likely to view their experience as a crime than victims of other types of crime.

Sexual offences in England and Wales: year ending March Analyses on sexual offences from the year ending March Crime Survey for England and Wales and crimes recorded by police. This is the latest release. View previous releases Correction. View superseded version. Table of contents Main points How are sexual offences defined and measured? How prevalent are sexual assaults? Sexual offences recorded by the police What are the long-term trends in sexual assault?

Which groups of people are most likely to be victims of sexual assault? How are victims and perpetrators related?

1. Introduction

Nature of sexual assault by rape or penetration Reporting of sexual assault by rape or penetration How does sexual assault by rape or penetration affect victims? View all data used in this Article. Back to table of contents.


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This article includes information on sexual offences from two sources: the self-completion modules of the Crime Survey for England and Wales CSEW on sexual assaults experienced by men and women aged 16 to 59 1 resident in households 2 in England and Wales sexual offences reported to and recorded by the police Headline CSEW prevalence estimates for sexual assault included within this article have previously been published in July 3. Crime Survey for England and Wales Sexual assaults measured by the CSEW cover rape or assault by penetration including attempts , and indecent exposure or unwanted touching.

Sexual offences recorded by the police Sexual offences recorded by the police cover a broader range of offences than the CSEW including rape, sexual assault, sexual exploitation of children, exposure and voyeurism, and other sexual offences. Notes for: How are sexual offences defined and measured?

The upper age limit for the self-completion module increased to 74 years from April Figure 1: Prevalence of sexual assault in the last year for adults aged 16 to 59, by type of sexual assault Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales. Notes: Domestic sexual assault includes both sexual assault by a partner and by a family member. Figure 2: Police recorded sexual offences, by offence type, year ending March to year ending March Notes: Police recorded crime data are not designated as National Statistics.

Figure 3: Prevalence of sexual assault in the last year for adults aged 16 to 59, by type of sexual assault Year ending March to year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales. Notes: The sample size is lower for the years ending March to March than for other years due to use of a split-sample experiment in these years. Sex As in previous years, women were significantly more likely to have experienced sexual assault in the last year than men 3. The year ending March CSEW showed that in the last year Appendix Tables 1 and 3 ; Figure 4 : indecent exposure and unwanted sexual touching was experienced by around three times as many women as men 2.

Figure 5: Sexual offences recorded by the police, by sex of victim, police recorded crime 35 forces , year ending March Figure 6: Prevalence of sexual assault in the last year for adults aged 16 to 59, by age and sex Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales. Figure 9: Prevalence of sexual assault in the last year for adults aged 16 to 59, by marital status and sex Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales. Notes: The number of widowed men in the CSEW who said they were sexually assaulted in the last year was zero. Figure Victim-offender relationship for rape or assault by penetration including attempts experienced since age 16 by women aged 16 to 59 Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales.

Notes: If the victim had experienced more than one sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts , the question was asked of the most recent incident. Figure Police recorded rape and other sexual offences, by sex of victim and relationship of victim to suspect, police recorded crime 35 forces , year ending March Involvement of alcohol or drugs Respondents who reported they had been victims of rape or assault by penetration since they were 16 were asked whether they thought the offender or offenders was under the influence of alcohol or drugs and whether they were under the influence of alcohol or drugs themselves at the time of the incident 1.

Figure Influence of alcohol and drugs in rape or assault by penetration including attempts experienced since age 16 by adults aged 16 to 59, by victim-offender relationship Year ending March , Crime Survey for England and Wales. Notes: If the victim had experienced more than one sexual assault by rape or penetration including attempts , question was asked of the most recent incident.